Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill

Nine months after Sir Winston Churchill failed to be reelected as Britains Prime Minister, Churchill traveled by train with President Harry Truman to make a speech. On March 5, 1946, at the request of Westminster College in the small Missouri town of Fulton (population of 7,000), Churchill gave his now famous Iron Curtain speech to a crowd of 40,000. In addition to accepting an honorary degree from the college, Churchill made one of his most famous post-war speeches. In this speech, Churchill gave the very descriptive phrase that surprised the United States and Britain, From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Before this speech, the U.S. and Britain had been concerned with their own post-war economies and had remained extremely grateful for the Soviet Unions proactive role in ending World War II. It was Churchills speech, which he titled The Sinews of Peace, that changed the way the democratic West viewed the Communist East. Though many people believe that Churchill coined the phrase the iron curtain during this speech, the term had actually been used for decades (including in several earlier letters from Churchill to Truman). Churchills use of the phrase gave it wider circulation and made the phrase popularly recognized as the division of Europe into East and West. Many people consider Churchills iron curtain speech the beginning of the Cold War. Below is Churchills The Sinews of Peace speech, also commonly referred to as the Iron Curtain speech, in its entirety. The Sinews of Peace by Winston Churchill I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name Westminster is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments. It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities—unsought but not recoiled from—the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothi ng here but what you see. I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind. The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part. To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that. Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step—namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars—though not, alas, in the interval between them—I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end. I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith. It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation. Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people—namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, th e Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence. All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise—let us practise what we preach. I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. There is enough for all. The eart h is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement. Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval a nd Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future. The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come—I feel eventually there will come—the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see. There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. In my fathers house are many mansions. Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have faith in each others purpose, hope in each others future and charity towards each others shortcomings—to quote some good words I read here the other day—why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each others working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure. A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain—and I doubt not here also—towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories—is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre -eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered. If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts—and facts they are—this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace. The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great impor tance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Titos claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains. The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time. On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become. From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title The Sinews of Peace. Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or advent ure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no ones land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come. * The text of Sir Winston Churchills The Sinews of Peace speech is quoted in its entirety from Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974) 7285-7293.

A New World for Women A Dollhouse by Henrik Ibsen

A new world for women Henrik Ibsen’s play, â€Å"A Dollhouse† is centered in the late 19th century following the time women seek more of their independence and greater freedom. From the play, â€Å"A Dollhouse†, Ibsen tends to understand women more than they do. As one of Ibsen’s famous play addresses the issue of feminine roles and importance in the past and present era. Nora as a mother and wife decided to quit from her gender roles as a wife and mother, to become an independent self made person after realizing her true identity. Nora notices she has been used and played with like a doll in the hand s of her husband and father, reducing her from a human to a mere doll, rather than a complete person capable of doing things by herself. Nora appears to be a little child in Torvald eyes hence he uses different names like â€Å"my sweet little skylark†, â€Å"my little songbird†, â€Å"my little squirrel†, â€Å"my little spendthrift, à ¢â‚¬Å"my precious little singing bird† to describe her. Initially, from the beginning, she seems to be comfortable with the whole situation of things, she accepted and danced along with it. These words may sound deceptive and demeaning to anyone reading Ibsen’s doll house, but, they are definitely fine and acceptable to Nora. Ibsen’s â€Å"Dollhouse† portrays the failure to accept an individual capability which appears to be an issue facing the past and present society. Women being considered as a household tool only capable of producing children has lead many women to challenge itShow MoreRelatedEssay on The Role of Mrs. Linde in A Dolls House1496 Words   |  6 PagesDolls House, Henrik Ibsen focuses on the importance of womens roles and freedom in society. Widely regarded as a feminist paean, the play features two major female characters; the most prominent of whom, Nora Helmer, shatters her position as a subservient, doll-like female when she walks ou t on her husband and children with a flagrant door slam heard round the world. Nora’s evolution, though inspiring, should not overshadow another crucial woman in the play: Mrs. Kristine Linde. Both women attain freedomRead MoreHenrik Ibsen s A Dollhouse1460 Words   |  6 PagesHenrik Ibsen’s A Dollhouse A Dollhouse is Henrik Ibsen’s best known realistic problem play. It is about the debt a wife hides from her husband, and the escalation of problems surrounding it occurring around Christmas. The play shocked many viewers because it broke many cultural stigmas at the time. The names, symbols, and dialogue all contribute to the overall impact of the play. According to the article, Henrik Ibsen Biography, Ibsen was a playwright born in Skien, Norway as the oldest of five siblingsRead MoreSusan Glaspell And Neils Before Breakfast, And A Dollhouse By Henrik Ibsen1046 Words   |  5 Pagesthe art community. Henrik Ibsen is a considerable author of social drama, because of his driven ideas and creative thinking on real issues in the world. Ibsen expresses major personal, social, professional, and political problems within his plays that involve conflicts and tensions. Problem plays paved the way for others authors such as Susan Glaspell and Eugene O’Neil to create problem plays. Susan Glaspell’s Trifles, Eugene O’Neil’s Before breakfast, and Henrik Ibsen’s A Dollhouse are all problemRead More Symbolism in A Doll’s House Essay949 Words   |  4 PagesHenrik Ibsen’s â€Å"A Doll’s House† is a controversial play focusing on the marriage of Nora and Torvald Helmer. The play is fi lled with symbols that represent abstract ideas and concepts. These symbols effectively illustrate the inner conflicts that are going on between the characters. Henrik Ibsen’s use of symbolism such as the Christmas tree, the locked mailbox, the Tarantella, Dr. Rank’s calling cards, and the letters allows him to give a powerful portrayal to symbolize aspects of characters andRead MoreA Feminist Literary Stance, Roles of Women in Henrik Ibsen’s Play A Doll’s House and George Eliot’s Novel Middlemarch1546 Words   |  7 PagesA feminist literary stance, roles of women in Henrik Ibsen’s play A Doll’s House George Eliot’s novel Middlemarch Henrik Ibsen’s A Doll’s House and George Eliot’s Middlemarch are based on events from their personal experiences. The events that lead Ibsen to feel the need to write A Doll’s House makes his approach on the feminist stance a bit more unusual from other writers. Ibsen shows his realist style through modern views and tones that are acted out by the characters in this infamousRead MoreRealism in A Dolls House Essay examples1264 Words   |  6 PagesFor Ibsen, the theatre was a place of truth, of brutal analysis; an institution where the minds and souls of man were exposed with an honesty that at times seemed intolerably cruel. Ej blot til Lyst - Not Only for Amusement - Ibsen did not accept compromise nor should one expect compromise from Ibsen. Ibsens plays do not depend for their interest on the action, or on the incidents. Even the characters, faultlessly drawn though they be, are not the first thing in this plays. But the `nakedRead MoreHow do bot h The Stranger by Albert Camus and A Doll’s House by Henrik Ibsen explore free will?1631 Words   |  7 Pagesbe different. The same holds true with Henrik Ibsen’s classic play, A Doll’s House, concerning Nora, a mother who abandons her family in order to pursue her own happiness. Both characters, while set in opposing societies, exhibit similar characteristics: a courageous, if not reckless, pursuit of happiness, be it physical in the case of Meursault or mental for Nora, and the relentless disregard of social standards and norms in the chase for free will. Both Ibsen and Camus use the pervading theme ofRead MoreA Woman of Different Ideas Essay963 Words   |  4 PagesThe roles of men and women evolve over time. In 1879 the roles, obligations, and expectations of a man and woman were very different from those today. In A Doll’s House, Henrik Ibsen illustrates the reproachful role of women in society and how appearances can be deceiving. A man was considered the head of the house. He brought home the money, supported the family, and took care of anything of business matter. Women were to take care of housework, the children, and their duties as a wife. The manRead MoreThe Christmas Tree By Henrik Ibsen981 Words   |  4 Pagesgifts and love. The Christmas tree itself is a symbolic figure that brings Christmas together. During the time of ‘1879’ was conceived a revolution of a new modern perspective and created a realist drama in modern homes (local history). Whereas Nora lived and breathed to make Torvald happy because in the time, European men were the dominate ones and women basically conform there ways (local history). â€Å"However the growth of trade and industry should not be exaggerated. In the 18th century the vast majorityRead MoreNora s Essence Of Individuality2065 Words   |  9 PagesAlba Zegarra WRT201- 106LS Professor Yerenburg 28 April 2017 Nora’s Essence of Individuality The main character Nora Helmer, in A Doll s House by Henrik Ibsen, becomes infatuated when trying to find her personal identity and sense of an individuality. As shown in Act I, she was looked upon as someone who was only worried about her status and wealth. She becomes easily enlightened with money as soon as she comes home from Christmas shopping, ready to show her husband, Torvald Helmer. Her husband

Problem Solving Designs and Activity Plan-Free-Samples for Students

Question: Write a Reflection on problem solving designs and activity plan development. Answer: Introduction My name is Rick Carter and I am currently pursuing Masters in Engineering for the course of Master of Science in Internetworking at the University of Technology in Sydney. During my study in the undergraduate courses, I have learned various utilizations and applications of electronic devices and the way they are utilized. This study has provided me knowledge for understanding research based ideas for my studies in the masters engineering courses. This course has led me to identify my career based goals which I will utilize during pursuing masters in the engineering courses. After completing my graduation, it has led me to believe that the course syllabus included in this program is highly flexible due to the fact that this has led me to gradually complete the courses involved here. My journey in the engineering processes started when I enrolled for the bachelors program in the same university. This helped me get knowledge on all the associated aspects of engineering. These involve getting knowledge on analog and digital devices, studying all the communication based aspects and the type of technology used for communication. As I had interest in these aspects, I started pursuing masters in this subject area only. Problem solving and design I think that the problem solving aspects are one of my FEIT attributes which led to various improvements in my study. As the use of communications in the industry is a major aspect in the market, I think that the use of problem solving approaches is a necessity for analyzing their associations with the aspects. I have seen that the use of problem solving approaches is being used in a different manner in various approaches. However, I define it in a basic sense that the requirement which has to be met. The needs which I have just stated may include various things which exist in the nature or it may exist in the business approaches of a specific company or organization. In a similar manner, the use of designing methods is another proactive way of utilizing problem-solving approaches. I think that it includes researching, experimentation and the necessary development for the preparation of a valuable output. I have seen using of these concepts for solving problems in many aspects. When I will be working in the industrial sectors for communication job roles, the use of such methods will be very much required. After completing my undergraduate course, I got a job offer in a specific company. My daily part of the job included monitoring the network and risk handling. I was paid decently for my works and the seniors were very supportive. However, the major part of my job laid emphasis on problem solving approaches. I was responsible for analyzing the network for issues and risks arising at any time. I was also responsible for reporting that any such issues associated so that it can be solved in a sequential manner. I followed the five aspects of problem solving approaches for addressing my problems and concerns in my company. The first step involved is defining the problem associated. I mainly utilized this method for knowing the problem involved. The second step is to determine the cause of the problem which helped me to identify the root cause of it. The third step that I followed was generating ideas for solving them. I seek help from my seniors or made a network analysis involving the connections. Out of these, I selected the best solution and lastly implemented them. I also followed the three phases of problem solving approaches for addressing in the requirements of my job. The first question that I followed is the importance of the problem. This helped in getting a general idea of the requirements needed which will help me in solving the problem in hand. The next step that I follow in the context of my job is the method to be followed. As there were various risks associated in the company processes, the need to identify the process adoption was required. I had to generalize whether it was a normal troubleshooting problem or a risk with a major issue. I also got help from these approaches regarding what must be done for this process. Lastly, the problem solving process was commenced. In case of my job responsibilities, the sources and the reporting were needed for my problem solving processes. For addressing the issues, I will have to use different types of problem solving approaches like discuss the problem with seniors in a face to face convers ation. In addition, I do think that I may have to call the team leaders for this problem. Activity program As I mentioned earlier in my reflection that the problem solving approaches are necessary, I need to utilize them such that I can adopt them in my normal processing. I need to manage the associated problems in my daily life as well. For that reason, I need to develop various management skills so that I can be able to use them. Risk management skills Management skills Design skills I need to follow all the associated problems such that it can be used up to my capabilities. I have also learned about some of these aspects during my internship programs. I learned some of the management skills needed like time management. This is the reason that I think that this course work will help me in my academics as well as my career. Bibliography Garca Pealvo, F.J., 2015. Entrepreneurial and problem solving skills in software engineers. Hesse, F., Care, E., Buder, J., Sassenberg, K. and Griffin, P., 2015. A framework for teachable collaborative problem solving skills. InAssessment and teaching of 21st century skills(pp. 37-56). Springer, Dordrecht. KALELIO?LU, F. and Glbahar, Y., 2014. The Effects of Teaching Programming via Scratch on Problem Solving Skills: A Discussion from Learners' Perspective.Informatics in Education,13(1). Palermo, T.M., Law, E.F., Bromberg, M., Fales, J., Eccleston, C. and Wilson, A.C., 2016. Problem solving skills training for parents of children with chronic pain: A pilot randomized controlled trial.Pain,157(6), p.1213. Stadler, M.J., Becker, N., Greiff, S. and Spinath, F.M., 2016. The complex route to success: complex problem-solving skills in the prediction of university success.Higher Education Research Development,35(2), pp.365-379. Suor, J.H., Sturge?Apple, M.L., Davies, P.T. and Cicchetti, D., 2017. A life history approach to delineating how harsh environments and hawk temperament traits differentially shape children's problem?solving skills.Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry,58(8), pp.902-909.

Organizational Judgment and Decision Making

Question: Discuss about the Organizational Judgment and Decision Making. Answer: Introduction The paradigm shift in manufacturing and industrialization is described by significant changes. These changes are defined by new organizational structures and work plan initiated by the management. Techniques of production have been waivered by technical developmental projects within organizations. Changes due to developmental projects are characterized by the installation of new machinery to support new technology, change of processes for value addition, and restructuring organizational designs. The stated changes come with some responsibilities for which the management should account. These responsibilities ensure that the management is responsible for the wellbeing of the employees as well as the participatory communities by eliminating any risk. Categorically, hazards due to the installation of new machinery to support new technology affect the industry operations, surrounding communities, and individuals within the system. To be specific, hazards due to industrial processes and chemical plant installation range from; physical hazards, chemical, ergonomic, work, and safety hazards. Types of hazards Safety hazards. These types of risks are commonly manifested within the workplace. They include unsafe conditions exposing one to injury, death or illness. Safety hazards include spills on the floor, working from heights for example ladders, scaffolds, or any raised work area, unprotected machinery and moving parts, electricity hazards, confined spaces, and machinery hazards such as boiler safety. Physical hazards. Physical re environmental factors that may harm the body without necessarily coming in contact with the body directly. Physical hazards include ultraviolet radiations from the sun, extreme temperatures, ionizing microwaves, and loud, consistent noise. Chemical hazards. Exposing workers to chemical substances in the form of liquid, gas or solid can cause illness, skin irritation or breathing difficulties. For example, paints and acids, welding solvents, acetylene, carbon and propane, flammable materials like gasoline, and pesticides. Ergonomic hazards. Ergonomic hazards are manifested when the body and working conditions cause straining. Statistics indicate that these type of risks are hard to establish however can be traced via sores, and muscle straining. For example, improper non-adjustable workstations and chairs, awkward, repetitive movements, and vibrations amongst others. Work organization hazards. organization hazards are manifested through stress in short term and straining in long term. Hazards of this nature include huge workload, workplace violence, and inflexibility schedules, poor relations with the management and fellow workers, sexual harassment, and others. Whittaker and Reasons Designing in Safety. Whittaker and Reason strongly urge out the importance of taking precautionary measures via mitigation and redundancy techniques rather than probability calculations. The two authors lay a firm foundation for the use of documentation for design as a fundamental element of safety. Documents serve some purposes within organizations affecting decisions on major activities, product designs, processes, management approaches, and organizational culture amongst others. Strategically, documentation ensures that the company maintains its references and quality, offers historical oversight of future designs, and serves as a proof in lawsuits. Maintenance of references and quality. Documents are regarded important since they allow the organization to initiate and work out many projects simultaneously to completion. For instance, decisions on installing a nuclear plant in the organization to provide electricity for production purposes require a design formulation, an oversight of how the will work and its requirements, and approval of the project by different levels of the management. Documentations thus serve as references to technical issues that enhance maintenance of quality as a result of control over decisions and outcomes. Offers historical oversight for future designs. Understanding past safety or operational issues in earlier projects gives valuable information to designers for exceptional designs. Therefore, an archive system should be initiated for easy access to historical information on future projects decisions such as location or sites. Proof in a lawsuit. Instances where the design is questioned in the lawsuit due to allegations of negligence, documents of design exception are provided as evidence of a deliberate decision arrived at through a concession process from the management and other specialists after evaluating impacts and other alternatives. For example, allegations over a nuclear plant design that emits a lot of heat causing environmental hazards may be pardoned because it is a system failure over document proof limiting the court from taking a legal action against the company. Extra Precautions for Approval of a Nuclear Plant Health surveillance structures. It is important to ensure there is a proper system to check the health condition of workers who are vulnerable to ill health due to exposure to risks from radiations that may occur as a result of system failure. Such may include system controllers, engineers, and plumbers. Additionally, assessment of chemicals should be recorded in experimental notebook adjacent to the process undertaken. Use of material safety data sheets.The sheets offer information on the type of materials used to manufacture components. These may range from data on chemicals, the timeframe for exposure limits, and any other safety information. The information may also include the quantity involved for exposure, the physical form, the stages of infection, and the means by which the exposure occurs, for example, inhaling, ingestion, and cuts. The technique should also allow for measures of control to be applied. Ideally, a less hazardous solution such as working in a fume chamber, or scrubbing devices may be helpful depending on the nature of the hazard. Additionally, personal protective measures such as dust masks, use of impermeable clothing, and gloves may mitigate the hazardous condition. Training. Training gives information on the hazards of materials used. During training, the target audience shall acquire information on functional precautionary measures to be undertaken to evade harm. Such forums allow the users and the specialists to freely interact thus clarification on technical use is made. For example, the ratio of mixing chemical substances and procedures to follow are well spelled out. Use, storage, and disposal of hazardous material are also spelled out, for instance, deactivating flammable and explosives. Restrictive access.Some chemicals are subject to control via licensing due to high risks of misuse. Such chemicals range from those that are used to manufacture illicit drugs substances. Under this category, a restrictive approach is adopted by charging users for license acquisition. Users too should specificity their research area. The second type that is restricted is production, use or possession of chemicals related to warfare. Such category is subject to approval by adequate check of risk assessment plan, issuance of written training records such as military training camps, and security of disposal. Finally, access may be denied due to security alert and fear of terrorism. Diagrammatic Representation of Exceptional Design Documentation Process Description Basic information includes the location and the timeframe of the project. Design elements include the range, or scope ideally target population whereas the criteria outline resources used to obtain the model e.g. David, 2003, Geometry. The explanation is the motherboard since it describes the reasons for the design, the site, cost e.g. construction and social costs, possible impacts, and alternatives. Mitigation includes measures taken whereas explanation on the safety of the location, evaluation process, and other technical resources. Internal Political Bargaining Influence on Important Organizational Decisions Internal political bargaining plays an integral part in forming organizational decisions such as product varieties, range, culture and mode of operation. Practically, the government establishes the fundamental laws on costs, taxation policy amongst others. Politics influence decisions by embracing criteria such as supplier protection against competition, issuing of rewards to organizations and private persons, subsidizing prices, offering incentives, and taking total control by restricting access to sensitive products. Supplier Protection Against Competition The government protects suppliers against competition by granting them exclusive rights so that their products can be easily obtained in the market. In such instances, entry procedures of other firms and competitors are hiked to put them off. For example, in the case of the proposed nuclear plant, the government can give the company a competitive advantage of power production and supply to the main sectors of the economy hence a huge market base. Ideally, states also restrict foreign investments by overtaxing them so that any attempts of entry into the local market will make them operate on losses. Rewards issuance. Rewards may be offered regarding incentives such as tax-free production, free land, and others. Such incentives lure companies and individuals into investment and innovative ideas for economic growth. For example, in a nuclear plant, the government may opt to give land for power production and offer market for the company. Subsidizing prices.The approach is practically applicable in cases where the government pays for production costs on the primary products such as power so that it can be accessed by its citizens all over for an improved livelihood. Restrictive access. The government through the constitution restricts production of sensitive products relating to national security and public health. For instance, production of firearms, ammunition, and drugs can be used to stake the state at risk of terrorist attacks. Therefore, the government solemnly owns production rights of the mentioned products. For example, Department of Internal Security and National Defense and the National Institute of Health play are key producers of defense products and medical products respectively. Trade secret laws. The government deploys devices to ensure organizations maintain their production rights by concealing them. The approach ensures that companies do not sell their innovative ideas to others to increase creativity and innovation. Interaction between National Cultural Norms and Organization's Standards for Corporate Judgment Modern society is described by equal chances and opportunities to all stakeholders as methods of mitigating conflicts. Such a drive has enhanced majority representation within organizations as a cultural identity. Practically, organizational cultures embrace cultural dynamics such as gender, physically challenged persons, and ethnic representation through celebrating cultural days amongst others. Purposively, minority groups receive representation through liberal democracy principles based on individual freedom, social justice, and national unity. Organizational policies equally apply to all without discriminating any irrespective of their characteristics with regards to age, color, gender, tribe, position, amongst other key issues within the range of the organization. A multicultural dimension to the organization is a product of globalization that allows different enterprises to run a corporate business via a supply chain from the manufacturer to the consumer. The level of uniformity describes the supply chain effectiveness among distinct employees from various backgrounds who aim at meeting a similar concessions goal within the product range. Arguably, open communication patterns, collective bargaining and risk taking abilities within the business environment define corporate judgments based on diversification of culture. The stated elements add value to business since creativity is influenced by brainstorming ideas and participation from different people from different regions with different belief and customs. Diagrammatic Representation of Normative Interactions Group Thinking Group thinking is a set of dysfunctional decision-making process that drops alternative courses of action to reach a concessional decision by members' agreement. For instance, in the advent of the risk of exposition to the stated hazards, workers may unite and come up with alternatives to raising their concerns to the management. Practical approaches may range from planning strikes, taking the organization to court, peaceful demonstration, negotiation, or writing to the management amongst other options. Of the five stated options, they may discuss and opt to use negotiation as the best approach dropping all other options. Hence group thinking. Conclusion Conclusively, decision making is a continuous process of the management. Therefore, the stated precautionary measures can apply in daily lives to determine the effectiveness of the systems installed within the corporate world. Reference https://www.filehosting.org/file/details/******/*****%20JDM%20RME%20Jul%****.